Tomorrow the Public Ethics Commission takes up campaign-finance rules (PDF). Campaign donation and spending limits are justified by a vague but widely-accepted notion that money is not great for politics, and limited money levels the playing field, encouraging grassroots candidates and competitive elections. As someone who served on the campaign committee of a grassroots challenger (Sean Sullivan in 2008) to an Oakland City Councilmember, I have seen how finance limits affect campaigns. Unfortunately, strict campaign-finance rules make it harder, not easier, for grassroots candidates to wage competitive elections. The evidence? Our remarkably entrenched City Council.
Oakland is one of the few California cities where Councilmembers can run for reelection indefinitely. Of the ten largest cities in California, only Oakland and Sacramento are without term limits for the City Council. In the other eight cities, incumbency is not an issue. But in Oakland, the advantages of incumbency are overwhelming: the last time a full-term Councilmember was defeated for reelection was in 1996, and half of our City Council has been elected to serve sixteen years or more. Oakland’s notable lack of term limits and the built-in advantages of incumbency aren’t the only factors producing stagnant leadership. Strict campaign-finance regulations also favor incumbents because incumbents have more access to loopholes than challengers, while challengers have passionate supporters who are more likely to give the maximum contribution.
The most significant loophole enjoyed by incumbents under Oakland’s campaign-finance rules is the ability to roll over debt from one campaign to the next without triggering self-financing penalties, which is very unfair. Incumbents also tend to do better securing matching funds than their challengers, and it is a rare day when a City Council challenger has access to ballot measure committees or other funds that are allowed to sidestep City regulation. But there is another key reason why incumbents benefit more from campaign donation limits than challengers: passion.
It takes a lot of passion to challenge a sitting City Councilmember. As much as people are dissatisfied with the City Council and City leadership in general, it is an uphill climb to unseat an incumbent. Councilmembers can punish their political enemies with unfavorable legislation, and though Councilmembers are not supposed to decide the character of individual development projects, the recipients of public contracts, where parking meters are located, or which parks get renovated, the fact is that they usually do decide these matters. Any community member with interests before the City is taking a huge risk when challenging an incumbent, and recent history bears this out. Nancy Nadel’s tight reelection campaign in 2008 featured a mailer attacking her opponents as real-estate speculators, yet property developers gave her more money than they gave her challengers, because most of them couldn’t risk her wrath. Those who are willing to jeopardize their interests to help Oakland achieve better leadership must be very passionate, and are therefore more likely to contribute the maximum amount of resources allowed.
The report prepared by Ethics Commission staff is flawed (PDF) but contains the information necessary to prove this point. Dan Purnell, Executive Director of the Ethics Commission, was quietly criticized on Monday for making errors of omission on an ethics matter that appear to favor Councilmember Jean Quan. For the Commission’s discussion of campaign-finance changes (which are opposed by Ms. Quan), Mr. Purnell, in his reports of past campaign donations and spending, wrongly includes City-provided matching funds in donation totals without noting so, making it appear that maximum-contribution donations are a much lower percentage of overall contributions than in reality. However, one can still see that Sean Sullivan received a higher percentage of his overall contributions in maximum increments than did Ms. Nadel. With incumbents enjoying a stranglehold over their seats, it makes sense to give challengers more of an opportunity to make their voices heard, and since raising donation limits benefits challengers more than incumbents, this aids the democratic process.
But that’s only one side of the equation. Low donation limits disproportionately benefit incumbents because their supporters tend to be less passionate, and because they have loopholes they can exploit that challengers cannot. But Oakland also has spending limits, and there are good reasons to think that IRV will increase campaign budgets. If those budgets are unduly constrained, rather than limiting the money in politics, money will just go around the candidates, weakening democracy and leaving candidates more beholden to special interests.
City Attorney John Russo makes a good case that Instant Runoff Voting should trigger an increase to campaign limits. Consolidating two elections into one necessarily lengthens the election season, increasing campaign expenses. More importantly, holding elections in November instead of June means that there are many more voters to capture (higher turnout is of course the main selling point of IRV). Ms. Quan said publicly that “you don’t need twice as many mailers” in a November election, but you have to send mailers to twice as many people. Failing to increase expenditure limits when campaign costs go up doesn’t take money out of politics, it takes control away from candidates.
Because, of course, money won’t leave politics. California cities are constrained in their ability to impose taxes, so there is less money in local campaigns because there is less at stake, compared to other states where many millions of dollars are spent on middling mayoral elections. But since there are still dollars at stake in election results, from businesses seeking permits to nonprofits seeking public funding, interests will spend money on campaigns regardless of what the Public Ethics Commission declares. If candidates cannot collect and spend these dollars, they will go to unregulated independent efforts. Thus spending limits don’t decrease money in politics, and can reduce candidates’ control over campaigns, encouraging negative campaigning.
Whatever high-minded goals avowed by campaign reform advocates are undermined by unseemly politicking over these decisions, with mayoral candidate Jean Quan exhorting her supporters to oppose raising campaign limits with the explicit goal of helping her campaign vis-a-vis Don Perata. But Mr. Perata controls an unregulated campaign account, and if there is money on his side, it will find a way into the election through independent expenditures. Mayoral campaign aside, Oakland desperately needs to level the playing field for challengers to our unusually entrenched City Council. Because of loopholes more available to incumbents, because of the real need for more spending due to higher turnout, and because of the passion of challengers’ supporters, loosening campaign-finance limits will aid grassroots democracy more than strict limits.



DTO,
Are there numbers for any other challenger campaigns which tell the same story as those from Sean vs. Nancy?
For that matter, do the donations tell different stories for city-wide elections than for districts?
And what about open seats? I just got an email from somebody who pointed out that the numbers for both the primary and the run-off in the at-large campaign showed Kerry Hammil racking up more than double the number of max-out donors that Rebecca Kaplan got.
This is a tricky one. I think it deserves more data and less conjecture. Unfortunately, the unrestricted money is very hard to quantify. Is an attack mailer on one candidate in a primary or an IRV election automatically considered to be created by money loyal to the victim’s nearest rival? All sorts of unanswered questions…
Well, like I said, Dan Purnell’s report is flawed and makes it difficult to figure out the real numbers. This blog is specifically about grassroots challengers to incumbent Councilmembers. The at-large race in 2008 was open, and neither Kerry Hamill nor Rebecca Kaplan were grassroots candidates, since they both held elected office. The point is not that campaign finance limits are always anti-democratic, but they help create the untouchable incumbency we see here in Oakland.
Russo said candidates will be required to do more outreach. This is nonesense. Being a candidate at all is voluntary, and so is the amount of outreach. Candidates are not required to do any outreach.
Not unless they want to win.
OK, so should we look only at credible challengers like Sean and Aimee Allison? Or should folks like Pat McCullough, who lost by a very large margin, be considered in the calculus.
For that matter, do Allison’s numbers support what you surmised from Sean’s? That’s the easiest comparison to add to this.
Good question. I would guess that Pat McCullough also had a lot of maxed-out donations as a percentage of the total, but the survey linked above says he didn’t file required campaign reports. Aimee Allison was very successful at obtaining matching funds while Pat Kernighan didn’t participate in matching funds, so the numbers aren’t comparable because Purnell’s report is skewed. Looking at the survey, which is also available here (pdf), there isn’t a clear pattern, but again the numbers are pretty bad.
I should also point out that money means more to challengers than it does to incumbents, because without a thriving local mass media a challenger has to spend more than an incumbent to raise name recognition.
The City Attorney’s recommendation to increase campaign contribution limits must be withdrawn because it exceeds the authority granted to the City Attorney by the City Charter.
In making the recommendation to increase campaign contribution limits, The City Attorney exceeded his authority under City Charter section 401(6) Powers of the City Attorney. The City Attorney does not have the authority to propose legislation unless directed to do so by the Mayor or City Council. No such direction was given to the City Attorney regarding campaign contribution limits nor does he cite any as a basis for making the recommendation. Below is a list of duties and powers the City Attorney may exercise upon request of the City Council or Mayor.
‘The City Attorney shall render written legal opinions when the same are requested in writing by the Mayor or a member of the Council…’
‘He or she shall draft such ordinances, resolutions, contracts and other legal documents as directed by the Council or requested by the Mayor…’
‘He or she shall commence legal proceedings when directed by the City Council.”
‘He or she shall not settle or dismiss any litigation…unless…authorized to do so by the Council.’
As can clearly be seen, the City Attorney may act only when directed by the City Council or Mayor, nor does the City Attorney have the authority to make a recommendation without a request from the City Council or Mayor.
Moreover, even if the City Council requested a report and recommendations about RCV from the City Attorney, nothing relating to campaign contribution limits is found in the RCV language. The City Attorney’s proposed changes are wholly unrelated to RCV and neither the City Council nor Mayor asked for such a recommendation. The only discussion of expenditures in the ordinance relate to the designation of election cycles for the purpose of accounting for campaign spending. This is wholly separate and unrelated to campaign contribution limits.
Perhaps the City Attorney thought he could, by virtue of his position, impose a personal preference. He is, after all, an elected official bound by the same campaign contribution limits. It is an abuse of his position as City Attorney to make a recommendation which ultimately benefits his own future political campaigns.
Thanks for bringing up the inherent conflict of interest in the Council passing campaign finance rules that apply to themselves. As I noted above, Councilmember Quan is telling her supporters to oppose increasing donation limits because she thinks that will help her opponent Don Perata more than it will help her. I disagree with her assessment, since Mr. Perata controls an unregulated campaign account. But it’s true that it’s unseemly for politicians to impose campaign rules that benefit themselves, as strict donation limits do.
Well, since the council is the local law-making body, that is the nature of the beast. But, Russo’s recommendation is just out of line – the council never asked about campaign limits so he exceeded his authority by raising the issue.
Seems silly or technical, but the reason is so that the City Attorney is not out there through his weight around in public without Council or Mayor oversight or approval. And that is exactly what Russo is doing here. He just though it would be a good idea to suggest this – that’s not his job.